At a time when Ireland is going through a tumultuous period, marked by issues such as immigration and the persistent separation between Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic, Yan Mac Oireachtaigh is emerging as a notable figure on the political landscape. Head of Óige Náisiúnach, the youth wing of An Páirtí Náisiúnta (the National Party), this Irishman has a vision of a unified nation, rooted in its Gaelic roots. His party has distinguished itself through concrete activism, notably through the “House the Irish, not the world” campaign, which has propelled Ireland to become one of the few European countries to see popular demonstrations against immigration. But Yan Mac Oireachtaigh is also attracting attention for another reason: his legal troubles, which are raising debates about censorship and the limits of political discourse in Europe. We interviewed him to better understand his background, convictions and ambitions, in a rapidly changing Irish and European context.
• Could you introduce yourself to our readers?
Thank you for having me! My name is Yan Mac Oireachtaigh, I am the leader of Óige Náisiúnach, the youth wing of the National Party (NP) in Ireland. Our job in Óige Náisiúnach is to ensure that in all matters, be it economic, cultural or spiritual that the Irish people are prioritised at every corner of life. We exist to maintain the flame of nationalism, a flame which has lived in the hearts of the Gael for millennia. We won't let it die out in our lifetime. As stewards of the nation, it is our job to preserve it and hand the torch onto future generations.
• What prompted you to join the National Party and become the leader of its youth wing? Was there a triggering event in your life?
I first joined the NP in 2019 as this was the year following the 2018 infamous abortion referendum, which saw Ireland shamefully vote to remove all constitutional protections for unborn babies from our constitution. This cleared the way for government-supported abortion legislation that has resulted in the murder of ~51,000 unborn babies since 2019. This industrial slaughter of the most vulnerable in our society sickened me to the core and propelled me to research which political party was the most strongly pro-life, which turned out to be the National Party. The death-cult of abortion is essentially what inspired me to begin real-life activism as before that I wasn't very political at all. After joining the NP, I threw myself into party activism, rising through the ranks and eventually leading me to take charge of the youth wing, 'Óige Náisiúnach', or 'Nationalist Youth'.
• Have you ever been targeted by the authorities or the justice system for taking a stand? If so, why?
‘Targeting' from state authorities can take many forms. It can be political policing, for example, like the (many) occasions when our government resources are wasted by members of An Garda Síochána who challenge our members for waving political banners. One such banner (visible on our YouTube channel NationalPartyIE) simply stated "Ireland Belongs To The Irish", which is a direct quote from renowned Irish Nationalist hero Pádraig Pearse, who fought in the 1916 Easter Rising. These attempts at shutting down our political activities show that the words of our patriot dead who fought for Irish independence are now completely at odds with the beliefs and globalist 'virtues' of the current Irish government. We have furthermore seen clear examples of heavy-handed, political policing carried out by our nation's law enforcement, with Irish citizens across Ireland attacked by the Gardaí for peacefully protesting the ongoing forceful plantation of Irish communities being initiated by Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael. Arrested protestors have also been heavily prosecuted, with convicted protestors often receiving heavy sentences, which in my opinion are clearly political acts from our politically bias activist judiciary.
• How do you respond to those who accuse you of extremism or “hatred” for your ideas ?
How do I respond? The answer is I don't. Responding to such ludicrous accusations is counterproductive to the work we're doing. Those who accuse us of being guilty of hatred are greatly mistaken. The only thing I'm guilty of is love. Love for my family, love for my community, and love for my nation. Those who scream the loudest about hatred fail to understand that I love my country too much to sit idly by and watch it be destroyed. Those who accuse us of extremism are further mistaken of course. Our political viewpoints are traditional in nature and would have been completely socially acceptable up until relatively recently in Irish politics. Regardless, our position doesn't have to be justified based off of how many people agree or disagree with us, nor will our basic principles change with the wind for short-term gain. What's right is right, and what's wrong is wrong.
• What is the political situation in Ireland? What about the National Party?
The political situation in Ireland is strained, despite appearing stable to the outside world. Mass immigration, exacerbating our ever-worsening housing crisis, has fueled a heavy backlash against the status quo. The rise of a perceived nationalist party like Sinn Féin is taking shape, but whether Sinn Féin will have enough momentum to lead a government by 2029 is honestly becoming more doubtful. They experienced a serious drop in support in 2024 following their sharp increase in the 2020 general election. The scene is ripening for a nationalist party, such as the National Party, to emerge and deal serious blows to the regime at the ballot box. However, the cordon sanitaire—or firewall—around us remains very strong, despite us being the only right-wing nationalist party with elected representation in Ireland. I am certainly looking forward to seeing how the liberal-woke government of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael will prop up the issues of mass immigration while pretending to tackle them head-on. I, for one, cannot see the center holding much longer than it currently is, as Ireland is generally a few years behind the rest of continental Europe regardless.
• How would you describe the current situation in Ireland? Has the government betrayed the Irish people?
I think the situation is certainly tense. The regime has bought itself another four years, but the 100 years of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael rule are nearing their end. The government has certainly betrayed the Irish people, treating us as second-class citizens in our own country—a disgraceful reality. However, much of the anger is directed toward Sinn Féin for posturing as a nationalist party, only to unequivocally fail on the identity and mass immigration issues. They have betrayed a lot of their working-class voter base in particular, and this hasn’t gone unnoticed. In once-strongholds like Tallaght-South, where I polled at 5.3% in the June 2024 elections, Sinn Féin saw three out of five councillors elected in 2019; fast forward to 2024, and they struggled to secure a single seat. Things are certainly brewing at a local level, which will make the next few years all the more interesting.
• What do you think of the UK's continuing influence over Northern Ireland? Is reunification realistic?
I think the UK’s influence over Ireland is obviously nothing positive. Our own politicians are to blame for doing little to nothing about pursuing a united 32-county republic. They seem far more in favor of cozying up to the Crown and piggybacking off its security utilities, as the RAF patrols our skies. It’s quite simply embarrassing. We should be harnessing our own defence capabilities instead of relying on others and figuring out a way to remove British rule from our northeasternmost territory for good. Partition has had a profoundly negative effect, demoralising the Irish people over the last 100 years. I believe Irish reunification will happen sooner rather than later, however, because at the end of the day, Ireland is an island, and everything gravitates toward a united Ireland—be it economy, culture, or politics. It’s more a matter of how rather than when. Most major political parties don’t delve deeply into how we could achieve a united Ireland, and there’s a reason for that: they don’t want to see it happen anytime soon. This is a complete betrayal of the 800-year struggle our ancestors faced against British rule.
• The National Party advocates a “united, Gaelic and free” Ireland. What does this vision mean in practice in a country that is still divided in two?
We advocate for a united Ireland—Gaelic and free—because it’s the only way we can truly have it. When the British Empire planted our six counties, they intended to wipe out the native Gaels. This didn’t work, however, as Gaels can be quite a stubborn race of folk. It’s this stubborn characteristic that will ultimately attain us victory in the end. But the question doesn’t quite end with a country still divided in two, I feel. For example, if we were to have a united Ireland tomorrow, we would still be speaking English as our primary language, and we would also still be enslaved to the international financial monetary system. Essentially, Ireland would be neither Gaelic nor free. What we seek is a complete revitalisation of our native tongue and culture—a Gaelic revival that should have taken place 100 years ago following the end of the Irish Civil War. It requires massive political will to achieve. Freeing ourselves from international financial slavery will also be difficult but doable. We would start by rearming the Irish nation through increased defense expenditure and ditching the Euro currency in favor of re-establishing the Irish punt. Of course, ideally, we would do this under the guise of a united Ireland of 32 counties or work toward reunifying our island away from British rule.
• You seem to emphasize culture and identity in your struggle. Why is metapolitics so crucial for nationalists today?
Yes, we do believe that culture and identity are critical to defining who we are, who we love, and who we will defend. They quite literally shape us in politics. As the saying goes, "Politics is downstream from culture," and this is a very true statement.
I feel that metapolitics plays an important role in shifting the Overton window toward our ideas, which we are currently doing very well in Europe. We have a strong surge of metapolitical groups here in Ireland, most notably the localised 'Says No' protest groups that have been popping up all over the country. These groups have played a major role in keeping the idea of resisting what we call the "plantation" in the eyes and minds of the average Irish person.This has its perks, notably keeping the debate alive and well in the political arena.
I had the honor of working closely with Tallaght Says No before, during, and after the elections. The people you meet there are regular, salt-of-the-earth, genuine folk who don’t want to see their country overwhelmed by mass immigration—a noble cause to fight for.
NB: 'plantation' refers to the settlement of migrants in centers within Irish towns and villages.
• How is the National Party countering the influence of progressive elites in the Irish media, education and culture?
The best way to counter the progressive elites is to make oneself as self-reliant as possible on as many fronts as possible. Over the years, we have built a serious network of Irish nationalists and seen a massive increase in our social media following. The best way to counter their measures against nationalists is simply to produce your own media and ensure it meets a professional standard, so it can compete with state entities and various other leftist non-profit media groups. I think we do this quite well, and our volunteers who run the show in that regard deserve the thanks!
When it comes to education and culture, it’s a lot more difficult. Countering various media has been made far simpler due to the age of social media, but the latter requires a serious effort. We put this forward with various activities at our conferences, such as presentations, workshops, and we even offered Irish language classes for members of all levels. However, this is no match for the state’s capabilities in that arena, and until one becomes the state, I believe nationalists will always be behind because of the infinite money generator the state has through our taxes.
• Social networks have transformed the dissemination of ideas. How are you using X and other platforms to advance your cause?
Utilising key platforms is one of the most important things one can do in the age of social media. Not posting regularly is a serious blunder, and it requires having high-quality content to be promoted for the general public to see you as professional and credible—otherwise, they won’t take you seriously. That’s a fate that equates to political obscurity, which I find a lot of accounts or knockoff nationalist organisations fall into, and they pay the price in public appearance for it.
We have used X and various other platforms for videos and photos of our activities; otherwise, in today’s world, it’s as if it didn’t happen! Utilising the X space can also be interesting for talking directly with your base.
• What do you think of the electoral success of parties like the AfD in Germany, Vlaams Belang in Flanders or the RN in France? Is this a model for Ireland?
I think the electoral success seen across the continent with Vlaams Belang, AfD, and other parties is very promising.
The wave of support for terms like 'Remigration' is pulling some right-of-center parties further to the right, particularly on mass immigration. I believe this will lead to a very promising era in the 2030s, where we will see a European awakening, because so far, the 2020s have been an incredible decade, and our power will only rise.
Do I think these are models to follow? I'm not sure they are. Taking inspiration from them and helping to build our movement is absolutely a good idea, yes; however, following a model that is non-Irish tends to fail hard in Ireland. We have seen groups attempt to mimic the likes of the BBB's instant electoral success in the Netherlands and other parties, be it in Britain or on the continent, only to be met with crippling failure.
The need for an Irish movement to remain Irish—maintaining its truth to the past while at the same time handing a tradition to the future—is very critical for any movement, particularly in Ireland.
• There's a buzzword on the European scene: “remigration”. How do you understand it?
To us, 'Remigration' is first and foremost a solution—a solution that will see the repatriation of foreign illegals, criminals, and welfare sponges, as well as any other non-national who simply does not contribute to the economy.
Following this, legal immigration can be cut down over a period of a few years, particularly with a heavy reduction of those coming into the country legally, as they are the bulk of replacement immigration, and this issue needs to be dealt with swiftly. But what to do with the many non-nationals living in our country already, you might ask? The best way to address this is through a case-by-case basis.
Not all 'immigrants' are equal—some are genuinely integrated into society, while others quite simply are not. Some contribute, and others don’t. This will be the most difficult question any state that attempts to implement Remigration will face in the future, but it is quite doable nonetheless over a period of time. Europeans must make up a comfortable supermajority of their respective nations; otherwise, a future like that of South Africa awaits us.
NB : Fianna Fáil | Fine Gael: Ireland's dominant centrist and liberal political parties.
Thank you Yan !
Voxeuropa Herald is an initiative that shares the voices shaping Europe today: elected officials, essayists, philosophers, activists, artists and influencers. These portraits are collective responses to the crises shaking our Europe. Faced with the major upheavals of our times, Voxeuropa Herald gives a voice to those who, throughout Europe, share solutions and visions for the future. The message is clear : European realities call for European responses.
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